The economy of the Land of Israel: taxes and commitment to royalty - angria and liturgy

The "angria" mentioned in sage sources means - duty of man and beast for postal work (cursus publicus, transport and some kind of activity for the purpose of the authorities. The peasants suffered from this affliction mainly because sometimes they would work their animals to the point of disability and excessive fatigue in order to disqualify them from the obligation towards the authorities.

From the revolt of Ben Kusaba onward, the Angria began to oppress more and more the people of the Roman provinces due to the policy of the emperors, the transformation of the region in the east of the empire into an axis of repeated and intermittent rebellions, the need to raise animals for the needs of the army from this and the ongoing security from this.

Sage literature presents a polarized picture between the attempts to evade this obligation and on the other hand the members of the Sanhedrin decided to find the modus vivendi in between - between the demands of the authorities and the desire of quite a few farmers not to be financially harmed by this obligation.

The line that guided the members of the Sanhedrin was to see the Roman rule as a necessary evil but forced by reality and any attempt to oppose the instructions of the authorities and/or resort to the principle of "let's be smart about it" could cause damage to the settlement in the country in general.

The "liturgy", which is of Greek origin, has undergone several changes, which concern the obligation of personal service that was imposed on individuals for the needs of the many, the result of the "invention" of the Roman Empire for economic and political and even psychological reasons, which landed it on the spectrum of provincialism.

We distinguish between the three kinds of liturgies: personal liturgy (munera personalia), monetary liturgy (munera patrimoniorum), when these two liturgies came together as public (munera publica) and the latter - local (munera locorum). The first did not claim the participation in the money and the second was in fact a kind of property tax imposed on holders of some office, and the third, which was mixed, was called munera mixta, to which the unusual liturgy - munera extraordinaria - was added to all three, and all three covered all the possible obligations imposed on the local population.

These liturgies covered various services for the benefit of the Roman Empire, mostly for the purpose of solving problems and special situations within the framework of the imperial service, but over time these were included in the general tax system.

Multiplicity of military units and Roman bureaucracy after the destruction

Three factors combined to indicate the establishment and design of the liturgy in the Land of Israel after the Second Holocaust: a. The multitude of army units and the Roman clerical apparatus in Israel and the many services involved; b) The construction process in Israel including - roads, roads, public buildings, aqueducts, bridges, theaters, circuses and more, and these required concentration of work forces for execution on the one hand and maintenance on the other; c) The process of inflation and with it the decrease in the value of the currency led, with the increase in expenses that were involved in domestic and foreign wars and with it the increase in salaries for the armies, to establish the economic and social steps towards forced labor and necessary services, and this at the expense of the population of the province.

The Roman emperors from the end of the second century CE onwards allowed the Jews to get municipal jobs, but also imposed on them duties that did not harm the laws of their religion, which allowed the Jews to get rid of Roman liturgies.

The emperor Septimius Severus was the first to demand that the municipal magistrates fulfill their personal responsibilities, and in the imperial estates the same chief tenants were responsible for this, and this is how we understand Rabbi Yehuda Hanasi's involvement in matters of taxes and their distribution in the area of ​​the territories leased to him by the Roman Empire.

We can also understand the reliance on these entities in the light of that economic development in the Roman Empire which was intertwined with inflationary processes, as a result of which various entities that engaged in trade or owned land became rich. It was convenient for the Roman Empire to rely on these wealthy bodies who were appointed to the municipal jobs, and as the bearers of responsibility for the various jobs involved in the local coercive services for its benefit. All this happened during the period of emergency in the Roman Empire in relation to domestic and foreign wars. And this when the usual taxes no longer covered the multiple expenses and there was no other alternative than forcing the person to help the state with his work and through his means.

During the time of the Syrian Empire, from the end of the second century AD onwards, when the center of the empire took clear and deliberate steps to develop the means of production and its forces and to elevate the "state" as the economic-social basis of the empire, and in this spirit, the emperor Septimius Severus sought to develop, with the help of his judges, the system of the imposition of liturgies as a legal, stable and coherent act, which faces the supervision and review on behalf of the state. This situation continued during the time of Alexander Severus, but then the burden of the liturgies was placed on wealthy functionaries in the urban centers. These were required to cover the losses incurred as part of the subjugation of the liturgy, when part of the subjugated urban and/or rural population physically fled their place of residence. As a result, the rich tended not to take on administrative jobs in the city. Therefore, in the same framework of being based on the state and the imperial supervision, the government imposed these jobs on the shoulders of the property owners and even demanded that they pass on their jobs to their sons after them.

All this began, as we have seen, with the obligation to use the municipal offices, such as was issued by order of Septimius Severus and Antoninus Caracalla. In Sage sources, this problem is mentioned in connection with the status of the "Bulvatin", or "Archonin" (archons), which became stronger mainly in the later third century, and as Rabbi Yochanan bar Nafcha emphasized with great cynicism: "If you were mentioned to me (appointed you or intended to do so), Let the Jordan be your border" (Jerusalem Talmud Moed Ketan chapter XNUMX XNUMX p. XNUMX), that is, run away, flee yourself. Or about "the kingdom of conviction (referring to Rome) that puts an evil eye in the wealth of a person - so-and-so will be its servants (we will name him in the future). Plan Atid Neabadiniya Boliotis" (Midrash Beresheet Rabbah, p. And perhaps sarcastically - a person should not be appointed to a senior position unless there is a pot of vermin behind him.

The heaviness of the burden of the liturgies, and the responsibility placed on the rich, received a different validity in relation to those bodies, which the empress relieved from carrying the burden of the liturgies. One body was the professional associations and the other - doctors, teachers and philosophers, and this for obvious economic reasons on the one hand and academic, conceptual reasons on the other.

battle scene

Against this background and its predecessors, it is possible to understand Rabbi Yehuda Hanasi's rulings regarding compulsory services, and this within the scope of his teachings. Similar privileges were granted to those farmers who settled in areas affected by the battlefield. And maybe this will make it easier for us to get the many permits of Rabbi Yehuda Hanasi against the background of the desire to settle an agricultural population in certain areas. And if we accept the above hypothesis we may be able to point to the areas that were damaged during the battles between Pascanius Niger and Septimius Severus such as Beit Gubrin, Zemach and more. So that all those types and kinds of exemption raised the need to put the rest of the burden on the wealthy bodies in the cities.

The liturgy is mentioned in the Sage literature under the name, the epithet "art", and in particular - "falling into art", and this is how we put it in the Mishnah: "The partner brother (who did not share in their father's property and they earn a living from the inheritance in partnership), one of them fell into art (forced labor), fell To the middle (for the partnership of all the brothers, and all have an equal share in the loss or profit) (because of the partnership and the biological family relationship). If (one of the brothers) gets sick and is healed, he will be healed at his own cost (the expenses of the healing are borne by him" (Bava Batra 4:5). The Babylonian Talmud clarifies in this regard what "art" is and declares that it is "the king's art" (Bava Batra KmXNUMX p. XNUMX) , we were a state liturgy within the framework of munera personalis. The Tosefta expands the scope and rules that "Brothers, one of whom becomes a collector or an epimelitis (from the Greek - responsible for food and other supplies "in kind") (in terms of forced service on behalf of the authorities) if due to property he fell the role), fell in the middle (considering an equal share between the brothers), and if due to his own fault he fell (as responsible for his life), he fell to himself (responsible for his obligation)" (Tosefta Baba in Tera XNUMX:XNUMX). First, it should be noted that the collector, who is responsible for the finances those who come to power) and the epimelitis appear here as the officials of the Roman Empire, as the officers of the state, and not as the officials of the cities. These two roles are often found in the papyri series in the Egyptian province from the middle of the second century CE onwards, as if they come to confirm the above text in the sources of the Sages.

According to the text of the Babylonian Talmud it says "polemostos" which is close to the term epimilitis, and in the Jerusalem Talmud we read that "had bar nesh nefk (went out meaning fell to...) to send (obligation to the authorities such as liturgy). Baa achoi miplug amia (his brother offered to share the position with him) ata ovada kumi (the case was brought before me) Rabbi Ami. He said sarcastically: This is how we say: A man who went to Listia (began to engage in acts of robbery), (does) his brother share with him?" (Jerusalem Talmud Baba Batra chapter XNUMX XNUMX p. XNUMX). In other words, before us is a liturgy involving tasks for the Roman army such as a messenger sent with the units to prepare the needs of the war. This was a munera exam that was common during the Syrian Empire. And the position of Rabbi Emi is interesting here, who refers to the liturgy handed down from above with complete negation.

Another liturgical service is probably hidden in Darb Kahana's ruling as follows: "Rabbi Elazar Barbi Shimon (contemporary and friend of Rabbi Yehuda Hanasi) Atmani (was appointed to...) Archolipurin, (who is concerned) Katul Bnei Ansha (delivers criminals to the Roman authorities who ended up being executed on charges of theft) They owed Catoline (who owed her death). And behold, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korcha said to her: Chala bar Hamra (vinegar ben wine). He said to her: Why do you call me chla bar hamra (why did you call me that rudely)? (e) No thorns as weeds (harmful plants, image examination to identify negative factors from society) I mowed from the vineyard? Lao Bnei Ansha Dechavin Katul Katalit? (And it was in Shelah, XNUMX p. XNUMX-XNUMX p. XNUMX). I mean, in any case, these were guilty of death, sons of death, and surely it is impossible to know whether it is a hunt for the skulls of Jewish criminals or of criminals in general?!

There is a tradition in the Babylonian Talmud (Baba Metzia PG p. XNUMX), it is of course assumed that due to his comment on the poor performance of the Romans in capturing criminals, even Jews, the authorities appointed him as a kind of local police chief to capture thieves whose sentence is punishable by death. Perhaps this is a moral cover that the Sages gave him, as in considering a forced position, but the Romans would appoint functionaries according to their skills, their will and their professionalism.

In the parallel in the Babylonian Talmud we read as follows: "Rabbi Elazar Barbi Shimon Lahuu Farhagabna (and in another version - "Perhaguna", "Perhagamna), daka tapis ganbi (intended to catch thieves)... Ishtama Milta bi malka (this became known to the king), they said: Kraina Daigarta Iholihavi Pravanka. Atyoho to Rabbi Elazar, Rabbi Shimon, and he caught a thief and exiled him, Rabbi Yehoshua ben Korcha sent to her: Humetz ben Yain (shame on the name of your parents) until when will you hand over the people of our God to be killed (and from this it is clear that this is, at least among other things, about Jewish criminals)? He sent to her (answered him): Thorns I eat from the vineyard. He sent her (Rabbi Yehoshua responded with sarcastic sarcasm) - the owner of the vineyard (namely God) will come and eat its thorns... (that is, he will punish the offenders if he so desires)" (Bava Metzia PG XNUMX p. XNUMX).

These two sources present to us the same picture that began to emerge in the Syrian period, namely the concern for the security of life and property, and the establishment of police institutions with powers to maintain public order, or for police-military supervision of those services and forced labor imposed on the residents of the provinces. And so in the days of the emperor Marcus Aurelius (180-161 AD), when a plague broke out in the provinces, Hela recruited slaves and police companies from the provinces in order to eradicate this dangerous and viral plague.

Also, special units called stasionarii, or frumentarii, or collectiones, with policing-military functions, were appointed, and these are connected to the special tasks above.

If Rabbi Elazar Barbi Shimon was none other than the son of Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai, who testifies that his father, Yochai, was engaged in a similar police service, when Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai, banned by the Romans, turns to Rabbi Akiva, his teacher and rabbi, in the language of a clear threat, that if If he does not teach Torah, he will pass this on to Yochai, his father, and he will see to it that he delivers him, Rabbi Akiva, to the kingdom, that is, to the Roman authorities (Talmud Babylon, Pesachim Ki XNUMX p. XNUMX). We therefore have before us a framework of liturgical "family" service, as the picture worsened during the time of the Syrian Empire, when the first signs began to appear of the imposition of various jobs and services in inheritance, as if they fit the definition of "professional associations" (collegia professionalis) as those that are inherited and maintain the secrecy of the production of the produce.

The aforementioned "deal" has a somewhat legendary smell, and it presents the Yohai family in a rather negative light. It should be noted that some of the Jewish leadership were/are stuck to a certain extent by unpleasant tasks, even though they were forced this way apparently at the initiative of the Roman authorities and they were presented as collaborators of the Romans and as doers of their word.

Rabbi Elazar Barbi Shimon we find that he was appointed "engrabtis", that is, the person in charge of performing the angria within the framework of a liturgy, and if we saw that those in charge of the angria would sometimes intervene in the current security matters in the area, we can logically link the two tasks under the "crown" of Rabbi Elazar Barbi Shimon.

A similar role is played by Rabbi Ishmael, a contemporary of Rabbi Elazar, and according to the scriptures - "... and even Rabbi Ishmael in Rabbi Yossi's mouth, because a matter was brought to his hands." Eliyahu struck her (met him), said to her (Elijah to Rabbi Ishmael): How long will you hand over the people of our God to be killed? He said to her (Rabbi Ishmael answered him): May I work (what shall I do?) Hermana Damlaka is (like they assigned me a Roman state task in the field of liturgy). He said to him (Eliyahu suggested to him) - Avuch Arak (your father fled from the terror of the position) to Asya (a disputed geographical location between Asia Minor and Syria and perhaps even south of Eilat), Arak (run away with you) to Lodkia (in Asia Minor)" (Baba Metzia PG p. XNUMX - p. XNUMX p. a). Even here, as described above, the state jobs were forced and were inherited from father to son.

And if both Rabbi Elazar Barbi Shimon and Rabbi Ishmael Barbi Yossi were found as deans and judges, we might be able to trace and understand the urban status occupied by the two, in accordance with the same Roman, Sewarite policy. It is interesting, by the way, regarding the name "Yishmael" that over the years, due to such and other interpretations regarding the biblical Ishmael, it was considered to be a curse because of disgust, we find it several times in Yosef ben Mattiyehu, and certainly in the literature of sages who know how to praise the Tana Rabbi Ishmael both for his wisdom and for his visual beauty . Over the years, the disgust and shame of the name Ishmael returned and disappeared into the abyss of femininity, and perhaps in the political aspect only one word can be said - shame!

If we go back for a moment to the terminus technicus - "craft", it seems that the same problem arose with the householder and Harris, such as in Berita in the Jerusalem Talmud: "While (they) are not from the power of Harris, Nutlin from the power of Harris, from the power of the owner of the house, Nutlin from the power of the owner of the house" (Jerusalem Talmud Baba Batra, Chapter 4, 100, page XNUMX). And in the Tosefta (Demai XNUMX:XNUMX) it is written that "and a man should not say to his friend: Go (here you go) two hundred zoz (a lot of money, perhaps equivalent to the purchase of XNUMX goats) and fall under me (full in my place) for the art (that is, for the liturgy). Rather, he says to him: Excommunicate me from art (save me, exempt me). And in the Jerusalem Talmud it is said: "...and consider my hand to the nation" (Damai Chapter XNUMX, XNUMX, p. XNUMX) - I am exempted against payment.

It is possible to distinguish the difference between the duty of the body (munera personalis), in the language of the Sages - "to fall" and the monetary duty (munera patrimoniorum) - and in the language of the Sages - "weigh". It is also possible to find a difference here (in the Tosefta) between the period that preceded the rebellion of Ben Khosva and the one that followed, when in the latter the obligation of the liturgy became more orderly and organized.

It is also possible to see here a recognition and acceptance from the point of view of the Sages of the legality of the Roman imperial activity. And it can also be said that we have another layer before us, socio-economically by the almost complete integration of action with the non-Jewish population in the region, and while recognizing the legality of the government's actions. And all this in order to develop a remedy for the same "structure" that the Sages built mainly since the end of the rebellion of Ben Khosba (135 AD). Namely, harnessing the sages to develop a new, healthy and normal relationship between all the parties concerned, that is, the settlement and the authorities in order to move it to a new path of economic stability and well-being.

Traces and parallels can be found in the aforementioned laws and approaches in the papyriology treasure in Egypt, especially in the corresponding Roman period, such as the right given to a taxpayer under the burden of liturgies to transfer his debt to others on the basis of reciprocity. However, in quite a few cases it is forbidden to do so, even against payment.

Another type of liturgy called "dimosia" in sage sources, which was widespread mainly in the late midrashim of the fourth century CE, when the Roman army was entrusted with its collection and even supervised it with special records.

In conclusion, it was said that the liturgies were not particularly oppressive to the Jewish public and their weight was especially oppressive from the third century CE onwards. And this can be learned in general from the lack of admissibility and claims against this service, or the escape and abandonment of villages and towns from the sources of the Sages. The Yishuv understood and was generally aware of the importance of the factories and facilities that were established in Israel during this era, and if there were debates between the members of the Jewish leadership in Israel, then they were found to be somewhat obliging in the face of the deceivers because of the reconciliation with the Roman authorities and the examination of the certain usefulness of the liturgies. Trends of this kind actually prevailed among the Jewish communities during the overall recovery after the Great Revolt (73-66 CE).